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Is Marcos a HERO?
NO 74%  74%  [ 34 ]
YES 26%  26%  [ 12 ]
Total votes : 46
Author Message
PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 7:55 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
Posted at Aug 12 2016 11:53 PM

Iginiit ng historian na si Dr. Ricardo Jose na pineke ni dating Pangulong Ferdinand Marcos ang military record niya noong World War 2. Pero bukod dyan, nakulong din si Marcos noong 1944 dahil sa umano'y anomalya sa pera. Narito ang part 2 ng special report ni Ces Oreña-Drilon. TV Patrol, Biyernes, Agosto 12, 2016

Google translation:
Insists historian Dr. Ricardo Jose faked by former President Ferdinand Marcos 's military record during his World War 2. But beyond there, imprisoned Marcos in 1944 due to alleged anomalies in cash .

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 8:05 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
Even In Golf, Marcos Was A Cheat
August 15, 2016


A large part about the issue whether to bury the late ousted dictator, President Ferdinand Marcos at the Libingan Ng Mga Bayani revolves around the idea that Marcos' heroism was never really authentic. That the medals he claims to have earned were merely the output of his own machinations.

Golfers are split on this issue. Some say, "Let it be. Bury him at the Libingan Ng Mga Bayani. What's passed is past". Others who staunchly fought against the dictatorship through street rallies in the 1980s and the EDSA revolution say, "No way! Marcos was never a hero and should just be buried with his mother".

Between the two differences of opinion among golfers, all may be unified when the issue is not trained on the war medals but on Marcos' golf score. Integrity is definitely imperative in the game of gentlemen.

One only has to look back to 1986 when it is remembered that the late Dindo Gonzalez, an advertising pioneer, champion golfer, a real war hero of the resistance, and columnist of "Golfmate" fame, supplied Reuters a copy of Marcos' hand-written note on stationary labeled "Office of the President, Republic of the Philippines". In the note, Marcos accused Gonzalez of spreading "crude lies about my golf" and told him to improve his grammar.

This was because the late Dindo Gonzalez, in writing Golfmate for the Business Day newspaper, had accused Marcos of signing false golf scores to lower his handicap.

Gonzalez, an avid golfer who played championship golf for more than 60 years and promoted it all his life, and often played with Marcos before and after he became president, said that the deposed leader's caddies and bodyguards frequently kicked the ball into the fairway from the rough and that he signed cards with false scores.

He said that on Dec. 3, 1978, Marcos played with four others at the exclusive Manila Golf and Country Club and returned a card of five under par 30 on the front nine, a score only international professionals can hope to achieve.

After receipt of the note, Gonzalez fired back through his column, "You (Marcos) should have turned pro there and then."

Gonzalez added: "His reputation as a low handicap player started circulating around the world when he became president."

"After his first putt and (if) the ball was, say, a club length away from the hole, he was given the putt since he was the president."

Gonzalez said Marcos' caddies lowered the president's score with his tacit approval. He also told Reuters that, during games at the presidential palace golf course, he found to his astonishment that balls hit into the rough by Marcos were always found lying on a nice lie and were sometimes kicked by bodyguards toward the green. "with so many of his bodyguards trailing, he always seemed to get a good lie and seldom, if at all, found himself in a rough," Gonzalez wrote. The bodyguards "kept the ball not only in play, but, I suspect, also kicked it nearer the hole after a shot. Thus, Marcos' handicap dropped from 14 to 10."

Marcos said in his letter: "You cannot have said that I cheat in golf and do not pay my 'indebtedness'. But if you did write it at least improve the grammar if you cannot improve the style."

Marcos was obviously irate because Gonzalez punctured the myth that Marcos, long an avid player, was the Chief Executive with the lowest handicap earning him an informal title as the title world's best golfing president. Such comments would have gotten him shot or jailed if Marcos were still in power.

In analyzing Marcos' game, "His game was the mediocre, run-of-the-mill type that carried a handicap of around 18 strokes," wrote Gonzalez, who said he knew Marcos as "Ferdie" when he first played with him in the early 1950s. He said he played with Marcos frequently until a couple of years after Marcos was first elected president in 1965, but that Marcos "could not have improved much since his form was not according to the known fundamentals."

The late Gonzalez was asked in a 1986 interview, if Marcos actually would cheat at this genteel sport of the Philippine country club set?

"Yes!" was the emphatic reply.

"When Marcos played golf, he showed his character," Gonzalez said. He used his caddies, aides and bodyguards to do the dirty work, he added. "You could never pin anything on him personally."

One of the character traits Gonzalez said he noticed in Marcos -- also noted by politicians who knew him well -- was an ability to look a person straight in the eye and tell him something that both knew to be untrue. Gonzalez said he first noticed that ability when Marcos told him his golf scores.

Golfing with "Ferdie" had its drawbacks, especially because Gonzalez used to beat Marcos consistently. "It stopped being pleasant when he became president," the late Gonzalez said of his golf outings with Marcos and friends. "He didn't feel good when he lost. He would say, 'Well, you won this time, but wait till next time. I'll get you.'

"We used to tremble when he said that," Gonzalez said, "because we were never quite sure what he meant."

As such, the deposed president thus is not only accused of falsifying his World War II record, looting his country's economy, manipulating elections, and abusing human rights during the imposition of Martial Law, but a much graver sin as cheating at golf.

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 8:18 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
Worse than death: Torture methods during martial law
Don Kevin Hapal
Published 6:00 PM, February 23, 2016

During the Marcos regime, San Juanico Bridge did not just refer to the longest bridge in the country. It had a far more sinister meaning.

(WARNING: The following illustrations may be graphic to some readers. Kindly view at your own discretion.)

MANILA, Philippines – Liliosa Hilao, or Lilli to friends, was a consistent honor student and scholar of the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila (PLM). The communication arts student, an active member of different student organizations, was due to graduate cum laude. (READ: '#NeverAgain: Martial law stories young people need to hear')

Martial Law stories

#AnimatED: Millennial, paano ka apektado ng martial law?
When breaking the law was necessary
#NeverAgain: Martial Law stories young people need to hear
'Marcos apologists, don't tell us to move on'
TIMELINE: First Quarter Storm
Your life under the next dictator
FQS: The uprising that created and nurtured people power
Her weak health did not stop her from being an active student leader. She was editor-in-chief of HASIK, PLM’s student publication that openly criticized the Marcos administration. Lilli was too sickly to rally on the streets and channeled her strength through her pen, writing thoughtful essays against the dictator’s regime.

At 23, Lilli made it to history books and publications, but not because of her academic excellence nor her writing talent. She was the first female and student activist to die in detention during martial rule.

Lilli suffered a fate worse than death.

Drunken soldiers from the Constabulary Anti-Narcotics Unit (CANU) beat up Lilli and took her to Camp Crame. She was eventually found dead in the detention center. CANU reported she committed suicide by drinking muriatic acid, but her body showed signs of torture: her lips bore cigarette burns, her arms had injection marks, and her body was full of bruises. According to her sister, her internal organs were removed to cover signs of torture and possible sexual abuse.

Lilli’s tragedy is just one of the many stories of torture during the Marcos regime.

Worse than death

Amnesty International (AI) has estimated that during martial law, 70,000 people were imprisoned, 34,000 were tortured, and 3,240 were killed. The AI mission, which visited the Philippines from November to December 1975, found that 71 of the 107 prisoners interviewed alleged that they had been tortured.

Historian Michael Charleston Chua published a study entitled, "TORTYUR: Human Rights Violations During The Marcos Regime," that detailed the different kinds of torture used by authorities during this dark chapter in Philippine history, as recounted by victims and published in different reports.

According to Chua, here's what physical torture looked like during martial law:

Electric shock - Electric wires are attached to the victim’s fingers, arms, head and in some cases, genitalia.

San Juanico Bridge - The victim lies between two beds and if his/her body falls, he/she will be beaten.

Truth serum - An injection administered in hospitals and used for interrogation, making a victim "talk drunkenly."

Russian roulette - Loading a bullet into one chamber of a revolver, spinning the cylinder, and then forcing the victim to pull the trigger while pointing the gun at his/her own head.

Beating - Victim is beaten by a group of soldiers.

Pistol-whipping - The victim is beaten with a rifle butt.

Water cure - Water is forced through the victim’s mouth and then forced out by beating.

Strangulation - Constriction of the victim's neck done by hand, electric wire, or steel bar.

Cigar and flat iron burns - Victims of torture are inflicted with burns using cigarettes, and even a flat iron.

Pepper torture - A "concentrated pepper substance" is put on the victim’s lips or rubbed on his/her genitalia.

Animal treatment - The victim is shackled, caged, treated, and fed like an animal.

Other forms of torture

Torture during martial law also came in non-physical forms. Chua noted that the regime also inflicted psychological and emotional torture to "shake one’s principle." This is done through solitary confinement and isolation. Some reported mental torture by threats of imminent death, rape, and harm to their families.

Stories of sexual abuse were also prevalent inside detention centers. Women were stripped naked, made to sit on ice blocks, stand in cold rooms, and raped and sexually assaulted using objects such as eggplants smeared with chili peppers.

The list of different methods of torture recounted by victims go on. (READ: '#AnimatED: Millennial, paano ka apektado ng martial law?' )


Even during martial rule, no amount of censorship nor state control could stop the horror stories from spreading then, as they got more and more atrocious every day.

Survivors and families left behind by victims of the regime are still haunted by the trauma they and their loved ones suffered at the hands of those who had sworn to protect them. Decades after the Marcos regime, these stories continue to be told, serving as stark reminders of the country's darkest years.

Never again, the victims cry."

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 8:21 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
#NeverAgain: Martial Law stories young people need to hear
Shakira Sison
Published3:26 PM, September 23, 2015

It's convenient to look at the past with rose-colored glasses instead of with memories of needles in your nail beds, electric wires attached to your genitals, and the barrel of a gun thrust inside your mouth

Majority of comments on articles about Martial Law seem to be from staunch defenders of that era. There are and will always be citizens who see those years as an era of peace and prosperity in our country.

We don't need to debate that. Instead we simply need to tell, retell and listen to the stories of those who survived those years. As the younger generation we need to do our own research, take the blinders off our eyes and learn what exactly life was like during Martial Law before coming up with flowery images of those years as a beautiful moment in history.

Silence by force


You would never have seen an article such as this as I would have already been taken, tortured, and killed for my opinions. If Martial Law were still in effect, bloggers who wrote anything even remotely critical of the government or its cronies would be jailed like they do in other countries.

There would be none of your Facebook rants about the administration, Metro Manila traffic, or even the outfit a politician is wearing. In fact, there wouldn't be Facebook, Instagram, and Gmail in the Philippines the way these websites are banned in China.

If I wrote during Martial Law, I could be taken from my home the way 23-year-old Lily Hilao was for being a prolific writer for her school paper at the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila. In April 1973, Lily was taken by the military, and was raped and tortured in front of her 16-year-old sister. By the time Lily's family retrieved her dead body, it bore cigarette burns on her lips, injection marks on her arms, bruises and gun barrel marks. Her internal organs were removed and her ****** was sawed off to cover signs of torture and sexual abuse. Liliosa Hilao is considered to be the first female casualty and martyr of Martial Law.

Zero criticism

Martial Law engineer Juan Ponce Enrile defined subversion during a 1977 BBC interview: “anybody who goes against the government or who tries to convince people to go against the government – that is subversion.” Proclamation 1081 gave the military the authority to arrest, detain, and execute anyone who even dared to breathe sadly about the Marcos administration.

Archimedes Trajano was only 21 when he questioned Imee Marcos on why she was the National Chairman of the Kabataang Barangay during an open forum. He was forcibly taken from the venue by Imee's bodyguards, and was tortured and thrown out of a building window, all because the presidential daughter was irked by his question.

Maria Elena Ang was a 23-year-old UP Journalism student when she was arrested and detained. She was beaten, electrocuted, water cured, and sexually violated during her detention.

Dr Juan Escandor was a young doctor with UP-PGH who was tortured and killed by the Philippine Constabulary. When his body was recovered, a pathologist found that his skull had been broken open, emptied and stuffed with trash, plastic bags, rags and underwear. His brain was stuffed inside his abdominal cavity.

Boyet Mijares was only 16 years old in 1977 when he received a call that his disappeared father (whistleblower and writer Primitivo Mijares) was still alive. The caller invited the younger Mijares to see him. A few days later, Boyet's body was found dumped outside Manila, his eyeballs protruding, his chest perforated with multiple stab wounds, his head bashed in, and his hands, feet and genitals mangled.

Trinidad Herrera was a community leader in Tondo when she was arrested in 1977. In this video she recounts being electrocuted on her fingers, breasts, and ****** until her interrogators were pleased with her answers to their questions.

Neri Colmenares was an 18-year-old activist when he was arrested and tortured by members of the Philippine Constabulary. Aside from being strangled and made to play Russian Roulette, he witnessed fellow detainees being electrocuted through wires inserted into their penises, as well as being buried alive in a steel drum.

Hilda Narciso was a church worker when she was arrested, confined in a small cell, fed a soup of worms and rotten fish, and repeatedly gang-raped.

Necessary methods

60,000 were arrested during the first year of Martial Law alone, and many of their stories will never be told. Michael Chua wrote a paper detailing the torture methods used during the Marcos regime.

Aside from electrocution of body parts and genitals, it was routine to waterboard political prisoners, burn them using cigarettes and flat irons, strangle them using wires and steel bars, and rub pepper on their genitals. Women were stripped naked, made to sit on ice blocks or stand in cold rooms, and were sexually assaulted using objects such as eggplants smeared with chili peppers.

Forty-three years have passed. Time, as well as the circus that is Philippine governance make it easy to forget Martial Law as the darkest and most terrible moments in Philippine history. Many of its victims have died or have chosen to remain silent – silence being most understandable because these stories are truly difficult to remember, and much harder to tell.

Stories need to be told

Yet these horrific stories need to be told over and over until we realize that the pretty cover of the book of the Marcos years is actually full of monster stories. We need to bring the graphic accounts of torture and murder to light so that those who rest comfortably in their illusions that the Marcos years were pleasant will at least be stirred.

Instead we often hear from those who want to erase the evils of the past, those who tell us that these young people, many of them barely past their childhoods when they were tortured and killed, were violent rebels who sought to overthrow the government. Never mind that it was one of the most corrupt and cruel dictatorships the world has ever known, and that it was by the efforts of these young heroes that the reign of the Marcoses ended.

Majority of Martial Law victims were in their 20s and 30s at that time – the same age our younger citizens are now – those who have the luxury of shrugging off the Marcos years as a wonderful time. Unscathed by a more cruel past, the younger generation is only too eager to criticize the current state of our government and our people as being undisciplined and requiring an iron fist such as the one Marcos used to supposedly create peace in the past.

They forget that if we were still under Martial Law (or should it return), such sentiments of “subversion” could cost them their lives, and that the same freedom and voice they use to reminisce about a time they know nothing about would have been muted and extinguished if we did not have the democracy we enjoy today.

Hindsight is always 20-20, as they say. It's convenient to look at the past with rose-colored glasses instead of memories of needles in your nail beds, electric wires attached to your genitals, and a barrel of a gun thrust inside your mouth, the way thousands of Martial Law victims suffered and still suffer to this day.

Just because it didn't happen to you or your family doesn't mean it didn't happen to more than 70,000 victims during that time. Just because you were spared then doesn't mean you will be spared the next time this iron fist you wish for comes around."

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 8:35 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
Recovering Marcos’ ill-gotten wealth: After 30 years, what?
Philip M. Lustre Jr.
Published 5:00 PM, February 25, 2016

The irony – or tragedy – is that despite overwhelming evidence against them, not one of the Marcoses and their cronies had spent a day in prison for plundering the nation


MANILA, Philippines – The figures look staggering and impressive.

The Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG), tasked to recover the ill-gotten wealth of dictator Ferdinand Marcos, his family, and cronies, has recovered over the last 30 years at least P170 billion (nearly $3.6 billion) in cash, despite working on an overall budget of P2.9 billion ($61 million) over the same period.

Various estimates put the total Marcos loot at between $5 billion to $10 billion, however.

The total recovery efforts could reach over P200 billion ($4.2 billion), as the PCGG winds up its task and sells the remaining illegally acquired assets in its possession and recover some more illegal assets in civil cases pending in various courts.

But it's been a period of false starts and dead ends, cloak-and-dagger operations, and, ultimately, successes, failures, and the ubiquitous feelings of frustration, helplessness, and powerless among the people tasked to do the job.

The illegal asset recovery program has been problematic, both in the way it was thought out and how it was implemented.

Following are the key concerns:

Inconsistency in strategy. Because it did not have a template to work on, the government committed various hit-and-misses in its strategy to recover Marcos’ ill-gotten wealth. This was exacerbated by changes in post-EDSA administrations.
Burden of legal processes. Anchored on the spirit of a democratic system, the recovery efforts had to adhere to strictly legal processes, that often proved cumbersome. To this day, the anti-graft court Sandiganbayan is still hearing recovery cases on the properties of Marcos and his cronies.
'Doves' and 'Hawks'. Following Cory Aquino’s two executive orders on how to recover ill-gotten wealth, factions in her Cabinet shared opposing approaches to the problem. One group pushed for the immediate sequestration of ill-gotten properties and file appropriate charges in court. Another wanted to negotiate with Marcos cronies for an out-of-court settlement. One more group planned unconventional attempts to recover Marcos’ bank deposits, among them the botched “Operation Big Bird.”
Does crime pay?

The irony – or tragedy – is that not one of the Marcoses and their cronies had spent a day in prison for plundering the Filipino nation.

Despite the overwhelming pieces of evidence showing the Marcoses and their cronies' participation and complicity in the unparalleled raid of the national treasury and the subsequent transfers of their loot elsewhere, the post-Marcos administrations have hardly succeeded to bring any of them before the bar of justice.

The lesson in history seems to be that crime pays. When one steals, he has to steal big to buy his freedom. Indeed, the issue ill-gotten has yet to reach an acceptable closure after 30 years.

It is said that the post-EDSA Revolution administrations, except Corazon Aquino’s, are hardly serious in running after the plunderers. Proof: Except for the dictator, who died in 1989, the Marcoses are back in power.

LEFT BEHIND. The Marcos family leaves behind documents and personal belongings in Malacañang. Photo from the Presidential Museum and Library

Son Ferdinand Jr. is now a senator and running for vice president in the May 9 presidential polls. Daughter Imee is now the Ilocos Norte governor. Wife Imelda is a lawmaker representing Ilocos Norte's 2nd district.

They do not live on bended knees, as what scions of dictators do. They wield influence along the corridors of power. They are back with vengeance, as if to mock the restored democracy.

They are revising history, using the loot to rewrite and reinterpret what had transpired during the martial law days. (READ: Bongbong Marcos: EDSA disrupted Marcos' plans for PH)

The scuttlebutt is that the Marcos loot is so big that it would take many decades to recover them. Besides, they have successfully hidden an undetermined amount of the illegal wealth to empower them to stage a political comeback. They have done their comeback with flying colors.

Changes in strategy

For PCGG chair Richard Amurao, the government could have recovered more illicit assets had it employed what he described as the “appropriate strategies” at the beginning of the recovery program in 1986.

The inconsistency in recovery strategies triggered by changes in post-EDSA governments could have contributed to the inability to obtain more ill-gotten assets from the Marcoses and their cronies, the 41-year-old Amurao said in an interview.

“The Cory Aquino government could have been more decisive right at the very start,” Andres Bautista, Amurao’s predecessor at the PCGG and current chair of the Commission on Elections (Comelec) said in a separate interview. It could have grabbed the bull by its horns and pursued relentlessly the recovery efforts, Bautista added.

To this day, the PCGG continues to receive tips and leads about the unknown but remaining illegal assets of the Marcoses, according to Danilo Daniel, head of the PCGG research department.

For instance, daughter Imee Marcos, now the Ilocos Norte governor, was reported 4 years ago to have links to a secret offshore trusts and an offshore company. She was listed as one of the beneficiaries of the Sintra Trust, which was formed in June 2002 in the British Virgin Islands (BVI). Other beneficiaries were Imee Marcos’ adult sons with estranged husband Tomas Manotoc: Ferdinand Richard Michael Marcos Manotoc, Matthew Joseph Marcos Manotoc, and Fernando Martin Marcos Manotoc. (READ: Imee Marcos tied to secret offshore trust)

Documents showed that Imee Marcos was also a financial advisor for the Sintra Trust as well as for a company in which the Sintra Trust was a shareholder, ComCentre Corporation, which was formed in January 2002 in the BVI. The PCGG had investigated this matter, but the results of its probe have yet to be reported publicly.

Destabilized regime

Both Bautista and Amurao acknowledged that the overall recovery efforts have been anchored within the spirit and parameters of the democratic system, which the Cory Aquino government had sought to rekindle, restore, and reinvigorate immediately the EDSA Revolution.

Hence, the PCGG has largely stuck to the legal processes in their search for the hidden Marcos loot.

“Please remember that we did not have a template to recover the ill-gotten wealth of the Marcoses and cronies,” Amurao said. “It was a mandate imposed on us by the Filipino people in the EDSA Revolution."

In the august hall of the Senate, Rene Saguisag, then a senator, used to say that the failure to go after and jail the plunderers and cronies stemmed from the inherent weakness of the Cory Aquino government.

It was a fledgling government threatened by military mutinies and political destabilization.

“We did not even know if we would be around by tomorrow,” Saguisag said with an intense feeling of exasperation, as he recalled the government’s exercises of brinkmanship to survive the debilitating onslaughts of coups and destabilization campaigns. It was an open admission of the limitation of the first post-EDSA government that conceived and pursued the recovery efforts.

Martial law and failed promises

After declaring martial law in 1972, Ferdinand Marcos, who was first elected in 1965, ruled for another 13 years. But the promised changes did not happen. Instead, he created the following legacy:

Centralized corruption, where he earned fat under-the-table commissions from big-ticket state projects and deposited the illicit proceeds in various foreign banks, mostly in Switzerland and Liechtenstein, which serves mainly as a tax haven;
Crony capitalism, where his stable of cronies replaced the pre-martial law oligarchs, cornering fat state projects, forming monopolies in the coconut and sugar industries, obtaining special import privileges in select industries in the manufacturing sector, and grabbing monopoly contracts in the services sector, which included the waterfront; and
Unrestrained and wanton human rights violations, where tens of thousands of student activists, religious workers, and other anti-Marcos Filipinos were arrested and imprisoned without charges, released without any explanation, tortured, and summarily executed, and disappeared without any trace.
Although the first 4 or 5 years brought about sustained economic growth, Marcos ruled without mandate, triggering widespread criticism in the domestic front and the international community. He was not popularly elected beyond 1973, but held several rigged referenda to reflect ostensibly the people’s approval of his martial law regime.

Marcos, Imelda and their cronies, which constituted the martial law-sponsored new oligarchy, were behind what is plain and simple kleptocracy, or the use of power and state structures to plunder and accumulate wealth and enable them to live like kings and queens even for 20 lifetimes.

Former Senate President Jovito Salonga, the first PCGG chair, estimated their total loot at between $5 billion to $10 billion. After 30 years, the estimate stands. Even the international community accepts these figures.


1986: Game-changing revolution

The four-day EDSA People Power Revolution in 1986 was the game-changing political upheaval that led to the determination of the scope and extent of the illegal wealth the Marcoses and their cronies had acquired and stashed here and abroad.

Marcos left many documents in Malacañang and these documents revealed the paper trail of an intricate web of corruption that led to their accumulation of illicit wealth. The paper trail has led to the discovery and identification, although not all, of the illegally acquired wealth and the dynamics of corruption.

Hence, the first order of the day for the administration of President Corazon Aquino was the full documentation and recovery of the illegally acquired assets of the Marcoses and cronies, and the prevention of their dissipation and transfer to other parties.

Three days after she took her oath as president at the historic Club Filipino in San Juan, Mrs. Aquino issued Executive Order No. 1 creating the PCGG as the quasi-judicial, collegial body tasked primarily to recover the illegally acquired wealth that accumulated during the dictatorship.

It was her first official act as president. She named Salonga as chair, and Ramon Diaz, Pedro Yap, Raul Daza and Mary Concepcion Bautista as commissioners.

EO 1 signaled to the world the political will of the new government to address the problems caused by the dictatorship.

With the national coffers emptied by the toppled dictator, Mrs. Aquino was then hoping that her government could recover a respectable portion of the illegal assets to provide social services for the Filipino people.

But this did not happen overnight.

No confiscation

Corazon Aquino, as the first post-EDSA Revolution president, declared her government as “revolutionary,” with her exercising the executive and legislative powers until a new constitution was put in place.

Governing under the temporary “Freedom Constitution" that later gave way to the 1987 Constitution, Mrs. Aquino was a virtual dictator during those days. But she chose not to be one.

The Aquino administration did not pursue immediate confiscations of suspected illegal assets. Broadly, Mrs. Aquino, through EO 1, gave PCGG the task to recover their ill-gotten wealth and take over or sequester business enterprises and entities they owned or controlled.

EO 1 also sought to adopt safeguards to avoid any repetition of large-scale corruption under her government and institute adequate measures to prevent any backsliding.

Second EO

Mrs. Aquino clarified her stand on the illegal wealth issue, when, on March 12, 1986, she issued Executive Order No. 2, which states that all claims on those illicit wealth and funds of the Marcoses and cronies should follow “the requirements of justice and due process.”

Clarifying the broad strokes of EO1, EO 2 said: “It is the position of the new democratic government that former President Marcos and his wife, Imelda Romualdez Marcos, their close relatives, subordinates, business associates, dummies, agents or nominees be afforded fair opportunity to contest these claims before appropriate Philippine authorities.”

EO 2 has led to the freezing of those assets and pieces of property of the Marcoses and cronies in the country, the prohibition of any person from transferring, conveying, encumbering or depleting or concealing those assets, and the requirement that persons holding those assets should make full disclosure to the PCGG.

Furthermore, EO 2 empowered the PCGG to make representations with foreign governments, where the illegal assets are based and appeal or request foreign governments to prevent their transfer, conveyance, encumbrance, concealment, or liquidation by the Marcoses and their ilk, pending the outcome of the investigations whether those assets were acquired by improper or illegal use of state funds.

Because of the two EOs, the PCGG had sequestered numerous assets and business enterprises suspected of being part of the illegal wealth of the Marcoses and cronies and, for business enterprises, placed fiscal agents to prevent their transfer and dissipation and ensure continuity of their operations until the settlement of the ownership issues.

Clashing views

Despite the marching orders, the PCGG was beset with controversies stemming from clashing views of its leaders on the implementation of the two presidential orders.

A faction believed to go all-out in the recovery efforts by sequestering those questionable assets and filing appropriate charges before the court. Constituting the hawks within the PCGG, they did not want to give any quarters to the dictator and his ilk.

But another faction felt it made better sense to negotiate with cronies for an out-of-court settlement. Court battles are messy; they take time before decisions are rendered. The prospect of out-of-court settlements, where Marcos cronies would return sizable amount of illegal assets in exchange for immunity from lawsuits, loomed as an option. (READ: Search for Marcos' wealth: Compromising with cronies)

In the end, the Cory Aquino government adhered to the two approaches.

In most instances, the PCGG has filed court charges – criminal and civil - against the Marcoses and certain cronies.

But, in other instances, the government entered into out-of-court settlements, albeit selectively, with certain cronies.

It was the best of both worlds. But Amurao noted that quite a number of those court cases remain pending in various local courts.

In hindsight, Amurao said it would have been better for the PCGG to have immediately filed forfeiture proceedings on those suspected illegally acquired assets instead of going through the circuitous route of criminal and civil suits.

“The burden of proof would have been on the Marcoses and the cronies, not on the government,” Amurao said. “In forfeiture proceedings, they would be the ones who would explain the ownership issues.”


Botched attempts

Unconventional attempts were also conceived and considered to recover the secret Marcos bank deposits in Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Vanuatu, British Virgin Islands, Cayman Islands, Bahamas, Monaco, Austria, Hong Kong, the Netherlands, United States, among others, and bring the funds back to the country.

Operation Big Bird, quietly conceived few months after the Marcos downfall, sought to recover the alleged $7.5 billion of secret bank deposits and assets scattered in various parts of the world. Banker Michael de Guzman was the prime mover of the scheme to withdraw the Marcos bank deposits and remit them to the Philippine government on one condition: a commission of a 20 percent from all recovered funds. (READ: What Bongbong Marcos knew of Swiss deposits)

De Guzman claimed that he had personal knowledge of those secret funds. No less than Marcos told him of those deposits when he met him in the Marcoses’ house in Honolulu in March, 1986. Marcos tapped him to withdraw their Swiss bank deposits after Swiss authorities froze their assets there.

De Guzman claimed that he met Marcos largely through the intercession of Col. Irwin Ver, son of Gen. Fabian Ver. At that time, Marcos was frantic because of the freeze order on their Swiss assets. Marcos issued the document giving him the power of attorney to withdraw those funds. He claimed to have gone to Switzerland thrice to withdraw those deposits, but he failed.

Because of his failure, de Guzman said he had decided to switch sides. He claimed to have networked with Victor Bou Dagher, a Lebanese national residing in Austria, who claimed to have connections with the European banking network. De Guzman and Dagher sought audience with retired Brig. Gen. Jose Almonte, who approved and joined the plan along with activist Charlie Avila.

Almonte later brought the scheme to Mrs. Aquino’s attention, but Salonga, in his capacity as PCGG chair, did not buy it, as he thought it could be a sting operation.

Then Solicitor General Sedfrey Ordoñez rejected it upon learning that de Guzman wanted an advance of $250 million for the operations.

Operation Big Bird did not take off. But it had succeeded to bring to the attention of the international community the unbelievable magnitude of the Marcos loot abroad.

Operation Big Bird was not the last scheme of its kind. In 1991, Operation Domino became public, as its proponent, Rainier Jacobi, an Australian national, claimed he had identified after 12 years of sleuthing the alleged Marcos gold bullions worth $13.2 billion hidden and deposited in a warehouse in Kloten Airport in Switzerland and secret Swiss bank deposits of $14 billion under the name of Irene Marcos Araneta, the youngest of the three Marcos children.

Just like de Guzman, Jacobi said he intended to work for their recovery and return on one condition: a 10 percent commission. But the PCGG did not take Jacobi seriously. It viewed de Guzman and Jacobi as a pair of treasure hunters, whose hunt could be more of a miss than a hit.

Drastic moves

The PCGG took the country by surprise when, in 1986, it sequestered 263 firms and shareholdings of 146 other firms, and assigned a number of fiscal agents and volunteers to prevent the dissipation and transfer of resources in the sequestered firms. But the PCGG dismissed over the next two years a number of erring fiscal agents and volunteers.

The PCGG likewise took custody of the identified local Marcos assets, including the jewelry collection the Marcoses hurriedly left in Malacañang, filed the first 39 civil cases for the recovery of the Marcos assets, and recovered P157 million ($3.3 million) in cash dividends from Philippine Overseas Telecommunications Corp. (POTC) and Philcomsat, two sequestered firms.

It was also in 1986 when the PCGG, showing political will to recover Marcos assets in foreign countries, worked on two most difficult issues of the entire recovery efforts: the recovery of the Marcos bank deposits in Switzerland and the criminal prosecution of the Marcoses.

The PCGG filed with Switzerland a request for legal assistance to recover the identified Marcos Swiss deposits of $340 million at that time. In the absence of any bilateral treaty on treatment of illegal wealth deposited in Swiss banks, the PCGG relied on the provisions of the International Mutual Assistance on Criminal Matters Act (IMAC) as its legal bases.

The IMAC, also called mutual legal assistance treaty (MLAT), is a pact between two or more countries for the purpose of gathering and exchanging information mainly to enforce public laws or criminal laws.

The Swiss government froze the Marcos assets there, but it was in 1987 when the Swiss Supreme Court, in an unprecedented decision, upheld the Philippine claim on the Marcos deposits and agreed to lift the banking secrecy on these deposits. The lifting enabled the PCGG to identify other Marcos deposits, raising the total of Marcos deposits to $658 million after 25 years.

What the Swiss Supreme Court did was a breakthrough.

It was the first time that the Swiss government gave way to claims on illegal wealth of dictators. The Swiss government had reacted to widespread perceptions that the country’s banking system, enjoying iron clad guarantees for the secrecy of their deposits, had become a haven for dictators.

Imelda's acquittal

It was also in the turbulent 1986, when the PCGG filed criminal charges against the Marcoses in the US District Court for violations of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, or the RICO Act. It accused the Marcoses of racketeering, as they converted the Philippine government machinery into a virtual criminal organization geared to plunder the country of its resources.

The court trial involved only former first lady Imelda Marcos; husband Ferdinand died in 1989. It had its drama, but the jury acquitted her in 1992 in what was a major setback for the recovery efforts. Her acquittal enabled the exiled former first lady to return to the country.

The PCGG likewise secured in 1986 from the New Jersey Supreme Court the award of titles to two Marcos assets in New Jersey: the Princeton Pike property, which the PCGG sold in 1987 for an amount equivalent to P34.6 million (around $727,000), and the Pendleton Drive property.

Moreover, the PCGG filed a $200 million claim in 1986 on four New York buildings that constituted the hidden assets of the Marcoses there: Crown Building; Herald Center on the 34th and 6th Avenues; 200 Madison Avenue; and 40 Wall Street on the 57th and 5th Avenues. The New York City Federal Court responded by freezing those four New York assets.

The PCGG found out quite belatedly that the four New York buildings were heavily mortgaged. When sold to private parties, the proceeds the government received were quite measly when compared to the original claim of $200 million. The Herald Center was sold in 1989 for $25 million, but only $1.5 million went to the government due to heavy mortgages.

The 40 Wall Street (Trump Building) property was sold in 1989 in a foreclosure sale of $3.25 million. The Crown Building was sold in 1991 for $93.6 million, but only $769,852 went back to the government because of heavy mortgages.

The PCGG recovered only $189,149 from the sale of 200 Madison Avenue property. The PCGG received the equivalent of P58.3 million ($1.2 million) from the sale of Olympic Tower, a New York property, which was not included in the original list of 4 New York assets."

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 8:39 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
President Ferdinand Marcos was deposed in 1986 after a 20-year rule and died in exile in Hawaii in 1989

Victims of martial law under the late Philippine strongman Ferdinand Marcos are finally nearing their payday from the fortunes he once stashed away in Swiss banks. Despite its frustrations, the complex financial process now serves as an international model for the recovery of so-called dictator assets.

Nearly 47,000 victims’ claims have been filed, more than double expectations, and more are being accepted until May 30. Payment is expected by next year – exactly three decades after Swiss authorities first froze Marcos’ hidden deposits.
The long wait has compounded problems, according to one post on the Facebook page of the Philippines’ Human Rights Victims’ Claims Board.

“It is already difficult to rehash and relive the experience, and to go through this over and over again because of technicalities is very, very, very frustrating,” Marlette Marasigan wrote. “We are already victims here and now we're victims of the process, too.”

The legal process in virtually all such cases worldwide is long and tedious by all accounts, using a method charted by Switzerland and the Philippines in their negotiations.

Switzerland has led the way globally by restoring $1.8 billion (CHF1.7 billion) to countries, including the Philippines, pillaged by their rulers. That represents more than a third of the $5 billion in global restitution estimated by the World Bank.
Timeline: Dictators’ funds in Swiss banks

It also highlights the relatively weak competition to be best-in-class among do-gooders, according to Gretta Fenner, managing director of the Basel Institute on Governance, which helps nations recover assets and fight corruption
“Switzerland’s a bit of a lonely kid,” she told “The Swiss alone can’t end this battle.”

A trend-setter

Switzerland and its bankers steeped in a tradition of secrecy have worked over the past couple decades to shed a reputation as launderer of the world’s dirty money. Pressure from the United States and other countries to combat tax evasion and white-collar crime also encouraged more transparency.

The freezing of Marcos’ Swiss bank deposits in 1986 was the first time the Swiss government set out to return such funds to their rightful owners.

“From then on, that’s when the Swiss started developing their asset recovery policy, really with the Marcos case,” said Fenner.

"Whether this was for PR reasons or because of a real sense of responsibility and an understanding of the role of Switzerland in combating corruption, I don’t know,” she said. “But it's clear that by then the Swiss understood that recovery was an issue that concerned them."

The Marcos case benefited from political will and close cooperation of two countries whose relations go back more than 150 years.

The $685 million that the Swiss blocked in Marcos’ accounts is “one of the largest sums ever returned by any government to a country formerly ruled by a kleptocratic regime”, Swiss foreign ministry spokesman Stefan von Below told
“It marked the beginning of the global asset recovery agenda and has set new standards for future restitution and potential use of illegally acquired funds,” he said. “It also had a direct impact on the negotiations of the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), which devotes an entire chapter to asset recovery.”

For the Philippines, the returned money helps bring closure to a difficult era. For Switzerland, it bolsters an argument that the country is serious about no longer letting dictators and autocratic regimes abuse its financial centres.
Returning looted public funds typically takes at least a few years, depending on the degree of information-sharing and cooperation between countries, and involves complex legal and financial questions. New Swiss laws have sought to speed the process.

Such restitution is now considered a priority for Swiss foreign policy.
“Switzerland has even become a world leader in this field,” von Below said.

Shifting attitudes

It took years of negotiation and court rulings in both countries to hammer out how the Philippines could use the $685 million. Two-thirds were put toward agrarian reforms to benefit landless farmers, in keeping with the 1987 Constitution. The other third is for victims’ compensation.

President Benigno Aquino III set up the claims board in February 2014 to compensate victims and families who suffered abuses such as torture, summary executions and disappearances of political opponents during Marcos’ 20-year autocratic rule.

The Swiss government has been offering technical assistance to the board, which must authenticate claims before the money is paid out.

Aquino’s administration hopes to distribute the money before the end of his term in June 2016, said Andres Bautista, a Harvard-educated lawyer appointed by Aquino to chair the Presidential Commission on Good Government, which is in charge of recovering Marcos’ illicit wealth.

Aquino’s mother, Corazon Aquino, created the good government commission the same year she toppled the Marcos government and the Swiss froze Marcos’ bank deposits.

Marcos, who imposed martial law in his homeland from 1972 to 1981, died in exile in Hawaii in 1989 without admitting wrongdoing.

The Philippine government has recovered about $4 billion of Marcos’ assets, much of it plundered from the coconut industry, but believes up to $6 billion more may still be hidden somewhere.

Lost treasures keep turning up. Last year, for example, a former aide to the ex-Philippines first lady was imprisoned for plotting to sell a $32 million Claude Monet painting to a Swiss buyer.

“That’s why we continue to be on the lookout for money in Switzerland and other European countries,” said Bautista, though he added that Swiss authorities have told the Philippine government there are no more hidden Marcos accounts.

Despite those differences, others have fallen away. Any initial concerns that a wealthy country such as Switzerland might be interfering with the Philippines’ sovereignty have given way to a process driven by shared interests.

“We don't see any interference on the part of the Swiss government to express their preference for the money to go to the victims,” Bautista told “We don't see it as interference, because it is something we believe in as well.”

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 8:44 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
To bury Marcos at Libingan is to bury martial law 'atrocities' – lawmakers
Mara Cepeda
Published 6:30 PM, August 08, 2016

'We seem to equate moving on with forgetting the evils of martial law and extolling those who perpetuated it,' says Ifugao Representative Teddy Baguilat Jr.

NEVER AGAIN. Bayan Muna Representative Carlos Isagani Zarate, Akbayan Representative Tom Villarin, and Ifugao Representative Teddy Baguilat Jr all oppose former president Ferdinand Marcos' burial at the Libingan ng mga Bayani. Photos of Zarate and Baguilat from their Facebook pages, Villarin from his official website, the Libingan ng mga Bayani from Wikimedia Commons, and Marcos from the Presidential Museum and Library

MANILA, Philippines – Some congressmen oppose the move to bury the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani, saying this would be injustice to the victims of martial law.

"Burying Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani is tantamount to burying the numerous atrocities he committed under his authoritarian regime," said Akbayan Representative Tom Villarin on Monday, August 8.

A day before, the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte announced that preparations to transfer the remains of Marcos from Ilocos Norte to the Libingan ng Bayani or the Heroes' Cemetery are underway.

Duterte had promised the burial a few days after he won the presidency "because he (Marcos) was a Filipino soldier, period." (READ: Duterte: 'Ex-soldier and president' Marcos deserves Libingan burial)

This proposal was opposed by various groups and also relatives of those buried at the Libingan, citing the many instances of killings, disappearances, torture, and other abuses during Marcos' 21-year rule. (READ: #NeverAgain: Martial law stories young people need to hear)

For Bayan Muna Representative Carlos Isagani Zarate, Marcos' remains should stay in Batac, Ilocos Norte.

"We should not allow the unrepentant Marcoses to use the burial issue in advancing their revisionist lies on the blood-drenched legacy of the dictator," he told Rappler in a text message.

"No amount of amount of embellishment can whitewash the plunder, terror, and grave human rights violations perpetrated during the reign of Marcos, a dictator and certainly not a bayani (hero)!" added Zarate.

Ifugao Representative Teddy Brawner Baguilat Jr also opposes the move for Marcos to be buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani.

He shared that he has 3 relatives who were part of the military and are currently buried at the Libingan – his late brother Captain Winston Brawner Baguilat, his cousin 1st Lieutenant Felix Brawner III, and his uncle Colonel Franklin Brawner.

Baguilat's brother was killed in action in Basilan while his cousin died in an operation in Bicol. The lawmaker's uncle, meanwhile, died because of cancer.

"[My brother] fought corruption and died so his country can be free from war. Now we're burying a dictator who plundered our economy, who made corruption a lifestyle. We're giving full military honors to a president who suppressed freedoms, jailed, and tortured those who fought our freedoms, allowed killing of human rights defender and activists," said Baguilat.

"We seem to equate moving on with forgetting the evils of martial law and extolling those who perpetuated it. Sad," he said. (READ: House leaders: Marcos' burial will not wash away sins of martial law)

Albay 1st District Representative Edcel Lagman is set to deliver a privilege speech against the transfer of Marcos' remains on Tuesday, August 9.

Sending the wrong message?

According to Villarin, the Duterte administration should review its decision to bury Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani because it may send the "wrong message" that they are not as serious in their pursuit of social justice.

"The burial issue is a governance issue as this concerns how we judge the Marcos government. It has been proven that Marcos led a corrupt, brutal, and dictatorial rule that impoverished our people and nation," said Villarin.

The Libingan ng mga Bayani, a property of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), is the designated resting place for Filipino soldiers, war veterans, and citizens who are considered heroes and martyrs. (READ: Who can be buried at Heroes' Cemetery? AFP explains rules)

The AFP said late Philippine presidents, national artists, scientists, dignitaries, and AFP chiefs of staff may be buried at the cemetery as well.

The National Historical Commission of the Philippines, however, said Marcos should not be buried there because his record as a World War II soldier is "fraught with myths, factual inconsistencies, and lies."

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 8:47 am 
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What do Enrile and Ramos have to say about this since they were in the very frontline of Martial Law? Have they written their memoirs of the Marcos regime? I wonder. Since both are very much alive and very much into Philippine politics, now would be the best time to find the truth.

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 8:52 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
BelowTheBelt wrote:
What do Enrile and Ramos have to say about this since they were in the very frontline of Martial Law? Have they written their memoirs of the Marcos regime? I wonder. Since both are very much alive and very much into Philippine politics, now would be the best time to find the truth.

enrile is a big-time flip flopper, you can forget him. while ramos, for his part, said congress must decide whether marcos will be buried at the LnmB

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 8:54 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
Duterte ally: Ramos-era deal prevents Marcos hero's burial
Paterno Esmaquel II
Published 7:22 PM, August 13, 2016


PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 9:04 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
BBM confident PET will declare him VP
by Mario Casayuran
June 30, 2016 (updated)

:lol: :shock: :lol:

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 9:56 am 

Joined: Wed Aug 09, 2006 4:21 am
Posts: 4235
Well if you go against the man Marcos you get checked home boy! the man doesn't tolerate rebels and commie *******. So ya, i hope they learned their lessons and forgive him.

And you Sir need to forgive him if you can't then so be it. But Marcos is long gone. We should learn to let go..Didn't jesus said love your neighbor and forgive those who sin against us.

There you go.... I wasn't been around back then so who gives a F. It's not like the holocaust not even close to the atrocities of the holocaust.OA itong mga kulay dilaw eh.

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 10:05 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
Numero uno wrote:
Well if you go against the man Marcos you get checked home boy! the man doesn't tolerate these rebels and commies. So ya, i hope they learned their lessons and forgive him.

And you Sir can't forgive him then so be it. But Marcos is long gone. We should learn to let go..Didn't jesus said love your neighbor and forgive those who sin against us.

There you go.... I wasn't been around back then so who gives a F. It's not the holocaust not even close to the atrocities of the holocaust.OA itong mga kulay dilaw eh.

hey sir, please hold in and hold out your breath sir, calm down. i just want to retell and shares marcos myths and true stories sir, cuz i want to help in educating my peers..whose the millennials sir. because sir when i read the loyalists, his kith and kins' posts, i'm amazed at the extent of ignorance and idiocy sir. peace be with you, sir

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 10:07 am 

Joined: Wed Aug 09, 2006 4:21 am
Posts: 4235
If these allegation are false i will gladly have a feather duster on the sole of your feet kind of torture.


I am worse than Marcos. :D

PostPosted: Tue Aug 23, 2016 10:12 am 

Joined: Tue Dec 15, 2015 3:05 pm
Posts: 902
hey sir number 1, are you marcos' kith or kin sir?

or just a plain retard loyalist sir?

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