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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Mon Oct 01, 2018 2:56 pm 
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huklubang poser wrote:
Nun period ng Martial Law ay may pinapayagan bang mag-rally si Marcos? Kung walang rally, paano magkakaroon ng casualty?


:shock:

A History of the Philippine Political Protest

:lol: wrote:
On the afternoon of September 21, 1972, the last protest before the declaration of Martial Law was held in Plaza Miranda. Sponsored by Concerned Christians for Civil Liberties, the demonstration was attended by a crowd of 30,000 people from different sectors—civic, religious, labor, student, and activist.

The September 23, 1972 declaration of Martial Law planted the seeds of discontent that would make dissent and revolution necessary—even vital—to the restoration of democracy.

Urban protest did not vanish entirely, even under Martial Law
. On the day before the Interim Batasang Pambansa elections, for example, residents of Metro Manila organized a show of support for the incarcerated ex-Senator Ninoy Aquino, who was the leader of the opposition candidates: the noise barrage held on April 6, 1978, would become one of the most famous protests of the era. At 8:00 p.m., people went out into the streets, making whatever noise they could “to let Ninoy Aquino in his prison cell know that the people had heard his message.” They banged on pots and pans, honked their car horns, and shouted their throats sore in support of Ninoy and his party, Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN; the People’s Power).


:bounce1:


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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Mon Oct 01, 2018 9:47 pm 
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:mrgreen:

dagdag ko lang

reigncourts wrote:
Nun period ng Martial Law ay may pinapayagan bang mag-rally si Marcos? Kung walang rally, paano magkakaroon ng casualty? Noong panahon ni Cory ay di na bawal mag-rally kaya nagkaroon na naman ng casualty. Ang BOBO mo na pala talaga hangga ngayon mula pa nang sabihin mong wala pang "tightpants" noong panahon ng mga rally bago Martial Law.
:chainsaw:



https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/edsa ... -appendix/




Political Protest during Martial Law

However, political protest did not vanish entirely. Gregg Jones elaborates: “In the late 1970s, against the backdrop of a weakening economy, communist efforts to rebuild an urban protest movement were beginning to bear fruit.

Martial law had crushed the increasingly militant labor movement, but beginning in 1975, radical unions under the direction of Party cadres began challenging a strike ban imposed by Marcos. The CPP even succeeded in reviving the student movement in 1977 by organizing protests to oppose a tuition fee increase and to demand reestablishment of student councils and newspapers.


The successful student protests against higher tuition fees in mid-1977 encouraged CPP leaders to begin making plans for a sustained wave of demonstrations
in Manila modeled after the legendary First Quarter Storm seven years earlier. The scheme called for widespread, coordinated protests by students, factory workers, and slum dwellers. Party leaders anticipated that the moderate political opposition would join the campaign and lend an air of mainstream respectability to the protests. . . .



Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) election noise barrage (April 6, 1978)


Emmanuel de Dios: “On the evening of April 6, 1978, Manila was rocked by a massive noise barrage. At a prearranged hour, eight o’clock, residents of the metropolis came out into the streets and banged on pots, pans, and washbasins, stoked bonfires in the middle of the roads, drove at random through the city in cars, jeeps, and trucks, honking horns and shouting above the din, ‘LABAN! LABAN!’ (Fight! Fight!).

Emmanuel de Dios: “One reason for the noise barrage had been ‘to let Ninoy Aquino in his prison cell know that the people had heard his message.’ But the matter had really gone far beyond the election; it had turned into an outpouring of pent-up protest against the dictatorship. This urban phenomenon was unprecedented and surprising even to those who had organized it. Until then, the only open and large-scale resistance to the dictatorship had been put up by the armed underground movements: the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army (CPP-NPA) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), whose operations were predominantly in the countrysides.that the later events of February 1986 would draw.”[99]

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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Mon Oct 01, 2018 9:48 pm 
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ibinasura na ba talaga ng PET ang walang kwentang protesta nitong si bbm?



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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Mon Oct 01, 2018 9:50 pm 
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reigncourts wrote:
Nun period ng Martial Law ay may pinapayagan bang mag-rally si Marcos? Kung walang rally, paano magkakaroon ng casualty? Noong panahon ni Cory ay di na bawal mag-rally kaya nagkaroon na naman ng casualty. Ang BOBO mo na pala talaga hangga ngayon mula pa nang sabihin mong wala pang "tightpants" noong panahon ng mga rally bago Martial Law.
:chainsaw:


:mrgreen:


Pahiya ka nanaman?

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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Tue Oct 02, 2018 3:58 am 
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saludo ako sa fighting spirit ng mga talunan at uto uto pa rin hahahahahahah :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol:



10 points kayo for your faith nyo kay boy luhaang recto :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol:


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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Thu Oct 04, 2018 9:55 pm 
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Image




:lol: :lol: :lol:

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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Fri Oct 05, 2018 7:22 am 
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yung ano diyan, patuloy lang ang paliwanag ng "poll" na paboritong dapuan
Image

hihihihihih......alam na ibig sabihin ng "ano" :bounce1:

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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Fri Oct 05, 2018 12:18 pm 
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platinum wrote:
:mrgreen:

dagdag ko lang

reigncourts wrote:
Nun period ng Martial Law ay may pinapayagan bang mag-rally si Marcos? Kung walang rally, paano magkakaroon ng casualty? Noong panahon ni Cory ay di na bawal mag-rally kaya nagkaroon na naman ng casualty. Ang BOBO mo na pala talaga hangga ngayon mula pa nang sabihin mong wala pang "tightpants" noong panahon ng mga rally bago Martial Law.
:chainsaw:



https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/edsa ... -appendix/




Political Protest during Martial Law

However, political protest did not vanish entirely. Gregg Jones elaborates: “In the late 1970s, against the backdrop of a weakening economy, communist efforts to rebuild an urban protest movement were beginning to bear fruit.

Martial law had crushed the increasingly militant labor movement, but beginning in 1975, radical unions under the direction of Party cadres began challenging a strike ban imposed by Marcos. The CPP even succeeded in reviving the student movement in 1977 by organizing protests to oppose a tuition fee increase and to demand reestablishment of student councils and newspapers.


The successful student protests against higher tuition fees in mid-1977 encouraged CPP leaders to begin making plans for a sustained wave of demonstrations
in Manila modeled after the legendary First Quarter Storm seven years earlier. The scheme called for widespread, coordinated protests by students, factory workers, and slum dwellers. Party leaders anticipated that the moderate political opposition would join the campaign and lend an air of mainstream respectability to the protests. . . .



Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) election noise barrage (April 6, 1978)


Emmanuel de Dios: “On the evening of April 6, 1978, Manila was rocked by a massive noise barrage. At a prearranged hour, eight o’clock, residents of the metropolis came out into the streets and banged on pots, pans, and washbasins, stoked bonfires in the middle of the roads, drove at random through the city in cars, jeeps, and trucks, honking horns and shouting above the din, ‘LABAN! LABAN!’ (Fight! Fight!).

Emmanuel de Dios: “One reason for the noise barrage had been ‘to let Ninoy Aquino in his prison cell know that the people had heard his message.’ But the matter had really gone far beyond the election; it had turned into an outpouring of pent-up protest against the dictatorship. This urban phenomenon was unprecedented and surprising even to those who had organized it. Until then, the only open and large-scale resistance to the dictatorship had been put up by the armed underground movements: the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army (CPP-NPA) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), whose operations were predominantly in the countrysides.that the later events of February 1986 would draw.”[99]



kung hindi ka lang kasing tulad ni BoBONG Marcos, mister tight pants, sana ninamnam mo rin itong post na na quote mo.

from the year Martial Law was declared and onwards, lalong lumalala ang sitwasyun. kaya nga nag declare ng Martial Law kasi ang premise ni Marcos was magulo ang bansa. pero ang summary ng quote mo, mas lalong lumalala after nag declare sya martial law.

in short, yung ginawa nya talaga me problema.

besides, kung nag declare sya martial law, bakit hindi nya inilipat ang government matapos ang term limit nya nung 1973?

klaro naman sa summary mo dyan, kasi ayaw nyang umalis sa pwesto. and Martial Law was the best option na hindi sya matanggal.

sa susunod, basahin mo article mo bago mo i-post.

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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Fri Oct 05, 2018 1:26 pm 
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:shock:

THE MARTYR
Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino


CNN Asiaweek wrote:
A GUNSHOT. Three more. Then shouts. A jumble of figures running across the tarmac of Manila International Airport. Amid the chaos, two bodies lie dead on the apron. One, a bullet through his skull, is Filipino opposition leader Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino.

Of all the emotions that coursed through Filipinos in the days after that Aug. 21, 1983 assassination, perhaps the strongest was sadness. Aside from shock and anger at an act that appeared too brutal even for the military-shrouded regime of President Ferdinand Marcos, people felt the deadening sorrow that comes with hope's demise. Fully aware of the risks, Aquino had returned home from a three-year exile in an attempt to rebuild democracy, sensing the deepening morass of Marcos's rule. When he died, aged 50, many felt the promise of peaceful change had died with him.

Yet, dramatically -- almost miraculously -- his goals were won. Millions marched at his funeral, marking the beginning of a mass challenge to Marcos. Aquino's death invigorated and united a shaky opposition leadership. And the ensuing political drama produced, three years later, an extraordinary bloodless revolution that handed the presidency to his widow, Corazon "Cory" Aquino, and restored the Philippines' democratic institutions. "Regardless of what he might have done with his life, he became a powerful symbol," says Alex Magno, a political scientist at the University of the Philippines. To Filipinos and the world, Aquino's sacrifice meant that freedom was still a hope worth dying for.

But it isn't correct to see his crowning achievement in life as his death. Although his name can provoke cynicism in some quarters, Aquino was no mere grandstander. Even his fellow, fractious oppositionists could be heard to grudgingly acknowledge, while he was alive, that he was the first among them. He was the one who understood the big picture, who had the plan. And ultimately his ideas took hold. He opposed the Grand Project mentality of the Marcos years, the attempt at a Korean-style command economy (unlike the collectivist Koreans, Aquino said, "we are reared in individualism -- we're taught our rights before we even know our obligations"). Today the Grand Projects are gone.

His personal achievements came early. He was born to a wealthy, landowning family, the son of a senator and the grandson of a revolutionary hero. In 1950, he covered the Korean War for the Manila Times -- at age 18. Three years later, as a presidential aide, he negotiated the surrender of peasant rebel leader Luis Taruc. Just shy of 23, he ran for mayor of his hometown of Concepcion. By 35, he was the country's youngest senator. He was headed straight for the presidency, occupied by someone equally promising and equally ambitious.

Marcos became Aquino's wiliest opponent, and Aquino the president's most charismatic critic. But the rivalry between the two ran deeper than party loyalties. "He and Marcos were of the same mould," says political scientist Francisco Nemenzo. Descended from political families, both knew all the corners of the Philippine political game. Though Aquino's opposition to the strongman cast him in the democrat's role, their approaches at times intersected. Aquino once told Asiaweek he would have declared martial law -- as Marcos had -- had he been president during the troubled 1970s. "The people of Asia will accept authoritarianism," he said, "provided it's honest and competent." Aquino, says Nemenzo, "could have been another dictator."

The country never got a chance to find out. After the Sept. 21, 1972, declaration of martial law, Marcos imprisoned Aquino for seven years. Incarceration ended up strengthening him. He found spiritual piety; his canniness turned into thoughtful idealism. In 1980, Marcos allowed him to undergo heart surgery in the U.S. He was supposed to return but, to no one's surprise, he and his family stayed. Yet he never really left Philippine politics. While in exile, he maintained discussions with Muslim separatists and communist rebels. Manila oppositionists beat a path to his Boston door. An optimist to the core, he was convinced that equitable solutions could be found to the country's crushing problems.

His wife struggled with those problems -- poverty, insurgency, militarism, greed -- during her six-year term. Although she constantly asked herself, "What would Ninoy do?", her success was limited. But the homemaker-turned-president delivered on her fundamental promise: the return of freedom. The Philippines is still in the process of fulfilling Ninoy Aquino's dream of a stable and prosperous democracy. But because of him -- and her -- it is a lot closer.



:celebrate:

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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Fri Oct 05, 2018 2:03 pm 
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:lol:

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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Fri Oct 05, 2018 2:28 pm 
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The Ninoy Aquino I knew

Tony Lopez wrote:
Next to Ferdinand E. Marcos, the most amazing politician I have ever covered in my 43 years of professional journalism, was the late Senator Benigno Servillano Aquino Jr..

Brainy and boyish-looking, Ninoy Aquino was the quintessential politician. Outwardly, he had no mean bones in his body. Yet, inside him, he had a killer instinct. He could eliminate an enemy if not by the ballot, by the bullet.

Partly to eliminate his enemies and partly to seek perhaps a modus vivendi with the rebels if he became president, Ninoy helped organize the New People’s Army (NPA) in December 1969 along a highway in Tarlac by befriending the young rebel Bernabe Buscayno (Kumander Dante).

Ninoy then linked the NPA with the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) led by former university professor and landowner Jose Maria Sison. From 1969, the CPP-NPA would launch the world’s longest-running communist insurgency.

The NPA reached its peak during the presidency of Cory Aquino with 25,600 armed guerillas. NPA’s armed strength declined to 4,000 guerillas years later. Today, under the presidency of Ninoy’s only son, Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino 3rd, the NPA has an armed strength of about 10,000 guerillas.

One issue against Marcos was his declaration of martial law on August 21, 1972 to quell the communist rebellion and reform Philippine society. In my interviews with him while he was on Christmas furlough at his Times Street residence, Ninoy disclosed he would declare martial law if he were elected president.

Ninoy believed martial law was the only way to solve the economic and political problems of the country which was in the grip of oligarchs, threatened by insurgents, riven by political discord, and bedeviled by nagging poverty
. Martial Law would also facilitate the partitioning of the vast 6,400-hectare Hacienda Luisita of his wife’s Cojuangco clan to its tenant farmers. Ninoy promised to make an example of Hacienda Luisita to show his sincerity in enforcing land reform.

Ninoy would have been a very good president. There was a sense of urgency about him. His mind was malikot (very active) and worked like a sponge that could absorb bits of info from disparate sources yet could filter out the substantial from the inane.

He was frustratingly charismatic. He could make you feel very important to him, even if he disliked you, speaking with eyes focused on you as if you were the only one in the room. He showed incredible warmth, sincerity and effortless grace. He did not finish any college degree although he went to three universities all of which now claim him as their alumnus, and lectured at Harvard (his best years as a non-politician).

In December 1979 prisoner Ninoy was on a three-week furlough at his Times Street home. I visited him. He welcomed me at the gate, embraced me like a long lost brother, ushered me into his study room where Cory Aquino, the plain housewife, was doing some crocheting. He asked her to prepare coffee and merienda which she did dutifully without questions. Convent-bred, Cory was a Math and French major and served Ninoy with unbridled love and loyalty.

Then Ninoy and I sat down for more than an hour of interview. “I have finished the answers to your questions,” the senator began. “But I didn’t submit to you any questions,” I protested. “I framed the questions myself,” the former journalist replied, “and typed the answers.” He handed me a six-page document cleanly typewritten with no erasures nor corrections, a Q/A on a number of topics, from local politics to foreign policy. Later, he stood up, retrieved four sheets of bond paper from his filing cabinet. They were four poems which he said he had composed and typed just for me. He autographed each poem for me and handed them to me while embracing me.

Our birth dates are two days apart—November 25 for me, November 27 for him.

I do not know if Ninoy appreciated the fact that I was one of four or five foreign correspondents (I was working for the Mainichi Shimbun of Japan and Asiaweek Newsmagazine of Hongkong) who covered his trial before the military tribunal. It took some courage to do. One had to drive through a military gate, be interrogated by the sentry and searched. Inside the impromptu court room, the tribunal of military officers looked grim and menacing. Going home after the trial, I would look under my car for any signs—you know, of bugs or bombs.

On the evening of November 25, 1977, the tribunal convicted Ninoy for subversion, murder and illegal possession of firearms and to die by musketry. Since the penalty was death, the decision had to be affirmed by the Supreme Court. The high court affirmed the death penalty.

That act led to the military six years later to execute Aquino while going down the stairs of a jumbo jet in broad daylight on August 21, 1983. From that moment, the once ambitious politician who became deeply religious became a national hero.

And yes, I cried when I saw Ninoy inside a coffin with his bloodied face and bloodstained white jacket a day after his killing.

On February 25, 1986, Cory Aquino was proclaimed President by virtue of People Power. On August 2, 2009, Cory died of cancer. The nation wept the loss of the Icon of Democracy. On May 10, 2010, a grieving nation elected her son, Noynoy Aquino president.

If President Noynoy wants to preserve the legacy of his parents, he should kill the nasty pork barrel right now. Today. If he does not do that, Ninoy and

Cory died in vain.



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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Fri Oct 05, 2018 9:45 pm 
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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Sat Oct 06, 2018 5:31 am 
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edap wrote:
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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Sun Oct 07, 2018 12:02 am 
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Ibalik ang Oil Price Stabilization Fund (OPSF) na ginawa sa time ni Marcos!

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 Post subject: Re: BBM for president
PostPosted: Mon Oct 08, 2018 7:23 am 
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up !

...lang para ma-internalize ng mga uto-utong Delawan na si Ninoy mismo magde-declare din daw siya ng Martial Law kung siya ang presidente nung 1970's hihihihih

THE MARTYR
Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino


The Ninoy Aquino I knew

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